Israel hopes you’ll overlook their genocide and segregation
If they remind you of the Holocaust enough
An ethnoreligious group
Rather, an ethnogovernmental group
Almost like the Cherokee
But unlike how you can be Jewish
Without being Israeli
Apparently you can’t be Native American
Without being part of a tribe
And tribes demand a “heritage”
When really they mean citizenship
Unlike my Scottish ancestry
My Norwegian ancestry
And even then, heritage is a listed name
The name could even have died on the Trail
And it wouldn’t count as enough
Race is a construct
And maybe ethnicity is too
But there is a difference between citizenship
I don’t want voting rights
I want my biological and historical fate
The story of how I got here and what made me
And to tell stories you need words
Descriptions they say you can’t use, even if worded carefully
If they remind you you’re not quantified enough
Cherokees hope you’ll overlook their self-inflicted genocide and segregation
A perfect book for the Halloween season! I will say this book is not something I would typically pick up but I’d never read a Sinister Grin Press book before and I wanted to experience something from their catalog. I was not disappointed (granted, I had no real expectations) and it was quite an easy and quick read (when I finally got around to picking this poor book up). Part of what made the read so easy was that the characters seem really stereotypical. Even though they seem to be battling their inner demons in an attempt to well-round them, they are all suffering from stock issues: the girl who lost her brother and wants vengeance, the guy with the bad parents, the frat boys with frat boy syndrome, the Christian who wants to save everyone, the park ranger who knows “these woods” better than anyone… They can be summarized and described really simply. Another thing that bothered me was the scene in chapter 3 that seemed like throw-away hetero male fanservice: a woman having an affair on her husband (what a twist!) where her boobs and her lust for peen are described in detail only to have it serve as an opportunity for her lover to get murdered in the woods. The characters aren’t mentioned again, I don’t think? Anyway, there’s not a lot of deep subject matter going on here. Which is fine because it’s pure horrific entertainment.
The monsters at first seem like blobs with teeth but they are later described as “leeches” that have “spines” and “tentacles.” The first time someone is killed it sounds more like a bear attack so it was hard to invest in said blobs going forward. Honestly, it was hard for me to picture the monsters even when properly described, but I didn’t really care. It was all good fun and you only need the gist. There’s a scene where one lands on the hood of the car where it’s described as a pumpkin and dripping paint. That was the time I was most afraid of them — when they were still so unknown.
Semi-spoilers from here on out.
There’s a scene towards the end that seemed like a copy from the film Annihilation (the movie, at least — I’ve not read the book), where someone who you thought was dead cries out for help and they take the bait and run out of their safe place only to have it not be their friend (who could have guessed?). Annihilation did it better, but They Feed does level up from it in terms of creepiness and monster trickery from there. I’ll not spoil that.
The end has a twist that felt a little thrown-in and contradictory to all that we knew up to that point about the main character. I feel like maybe if they could have revised things one more time in the book to make you not feel like you’d been lied to, it would have worked better. But all the same, this is one of the few horror books I’ve read and will definitely point people to it.
Here’s more reviews I agree with:
However, there was something that I took issue with. The biggest one being the amount of time that rape was mentioned and/or plays a role in the book. I stick to paranormal horror and creature features for a reason. I am aware that I have triggers that don’t make me quite compatible with human-based horror. Had I known that They Feed contained this element, I probably wouldn’t have read it. I am fully cognizant of the fact that this is personal preference, and most people who have reviewed the book seem to have no problem with it. However, that element aside, I enjoyed They Feed.
Every so often it’s just time for something disgustingly entertaining. And this was perfect for that sort of thing, a B movie literary equivalent extravaganza where there is indeed a lot of feeding going on. Creature features are usually fun, especially with creatures affectionately described as sh*t pancakes.
Overall, the book was a good read. Despite some instances where there were a few horror cliches, Parent executed a stream of constant questions of morality and immaturity. He creates scenes where you almost suffocate, where you can’t help but wonder just who it was that looks out for these people.
I was given this book in exchange for an honest review. See my Review Policy above.
I’ve been fostering kittens from the kill shelter and have been very sick off and on.
Also, I’m a foster failure in that I’d like to welcome my new child, Hecate:
Thanks for understanding. Posting to resume soon! About to read emails! Will get back to a schedule!
Wasp’s job is simple. Hunt ghosts. And every year she has to fight to remain Archivist. Desperate and alone, she strikes a bargain with the ghost of a supersoldier. She will go with him on his underworld hunt for the long-lost ghost of his partner and in exchange she will find out more about his pre-apocalyptic world than any Archivist before her. And there is much to know. After all, Archivists are marked from birth to do the holy work of a goddess. They’re chosen. They’re special. Or so they’ve been told for four hundred years.
Archivist Wasp fears she is not the chosen one, that she won’t survive the trip to the underworld, that the brutal life she has escaped might be better than where she is going. There is only one way to find out.
Archivist Wasp was quite original and drew me in, though ultimately didn’t hold onto me. There wasn’t much dialog in the novel, but it never felt heavy. The descriptions of the characters were just slight enough to let you imagine and yet specific enough that you weren’t confused. The setting descriptions, however, were very hard for me to clue in on. I wasn’t sure what I was reading. It seemed like a medieval world at first? But then you slowly learn that this is a futuristic society? Yet there are ghosts??? It’s all quite interesting–a meshing of magic and science. I will admit that my first guess was that the girl was on another planet and that the ghost she encounters is an astronaut from our planet. The ghost had a device that could heal as if he was from the Starship Enterprise. But that wasn’t the case. Probably too Twilight-Zoney.
The way religion is handled in the book was very believable, yet too confusing for me to really care about. But there is a belief system which reinforces the Wasp’s role of killing ghosts and killing others who want to replace her as the Archivist that was perhaps too melodramatic for me, yet necessary for the story to work.
Other Goodreads Reviews I agreed with:
First of all, Archivist Wasp was so different than I expected it to be! It’s classified as a young adult novel on Goodreads, even though I personally would see it as an adult fiction book. But putting that aside, this book was so unique. I don’t think I’ve ever read a novel that was a dystopian, science-fiction, paranormal, and post-apocalyptic all at the same time. I don’t usually like books to mash up genres so daringly, but I have to respect the ambition to create something completely diverging from the generic YA scene. I think the author succeeded in knitting the genres together seamlessly, and to my surprise I was quite enjoying the mix of different themes of the genres.
The world-building is extremely…nonexistent? I think we are in a dystopian future of some kind, but hell if I know more. We are not given any information about the society Wasp lives in, aside from her actual job as an Archivist. She hunts ghosts, but that’s pretty much what we know about the “magic” system. And this would have probably been fine…when I was 12, maybe and when I hadn’t read as much fantasy as I have now. It was rather underwhelming.
The parts that kept me glued to the page were the interactions of Wasp and the Ghost (a sequel is in the works). This is another YA dystopian novel, where Wasp’s world has been medieval for 400 years after the destruction of the high tech society which created the Ghost. The true message for me is how dangerous myths can become when people begin to believe them–and kill in their name. The roots of every corrupt power are here, in the Catchkeep Priest’s sadistic character which is a continuation of the corruption that used technology 400 years before to make the super-soldier. In both cases, Wasp and the Ghost are victims of their society’s lust for power, and willingness to use any means necessary to achieve it. Yet they both possess an inner integrity that is inspiring.
Yet this remains a 3 star book for me. It was headed for 4 stars, but the last half of the book is so filled with bloody battles that it became redundant. Like the action scenes in movies, I can only take so much blood and blowing things up before turning off.
I learned a lot from this book, but maybe not what I thought I was going to. The real purpose underlying the topic of this work is how we think about and treat the Cherokee Freedmen–a topic that was treated respectfully, yet is perhaps too narrow a basis for this type of conversation. I was looking for something that involved even those who can prove Cherokee descent, but have no family on the Dawes Rolls. I later learned that her book, Becoming Indian, explores this topic, which I will be reviewing in the future.
What I found most interesting in this book is that it was written by a non-citizen Cherokee and Choctaw descendant:
Over several years, my sense of identity began shifting as a result of my experiences at the university and in the field. My Choctaw identity moved front stage next to the Sicilian and Texan, while the German receded. The process was both personal and social. Other Native Americans on the university campus and in Oklahoma assigned me different degrees of Native American identity depending on the circumstances and the people involved.
At the extremes were moments when individuals argued either that I was a victim of internal colonialism, denying my Native heritage, or that I “hadn’t grown up on a ‘rez’ and hadn’t a clue.” The truth, I think, can be found somewhere in between. I believe that most of the time other Native American students viewed me as a white woman with some Native-American ancestry. In the last few years, I reached out to my extended family and learned far more about my Choctaw relatives and their life experiences. At the same time, I investigated whether or not I was eligible for tribal enrollment through my grandmother. I was surprised to find that the Choctaw Nation in Oklahoma had no minimum blood quantum requirement and only asked for proof that my greatgrandmother had moved to Oklahoma and was listed on an earlier tribal roll. However, my grandmother had been born in Mississippi, the original homeland of the Choctaw people, and had never moved west. Moreover, even with proper records, I failed to meet the Mississippi Choctaw Nation’s minimum racial standard of one-half Choctaw blood or more. Had my grandmother moved to Oklahoma, I would have been in, but because she stayed in Mississippi where the racial definitions were stricter, I was out.
This frustrating experience is a common one for Native Americans whose identities are administered and verified through what are often rather haphazard paper trails leading to racially quantified ancestors. For instance, some Native Americans who speak indigenous languages and are phenotypically “Indian” are not federally recognized because they lack proper documentation. Usually, their ancestors resisted formal enrollment because they viewed it as a tool of political, cultural, and social assimilation. Many who witness this pervasive focus on documentation and genealogical descent are shocked at the degree to which culture is ignored in the enrollment process. Although culture is not a primary consideration when federal or tribal governments assign Indian identity, for most Native Americans culture is the litmus test of “Indianness.”
She explained the history of the Cherokee in a way I had not encountered before–through the context of slavery and racial “diversity”:
When gold was discovered on Cherokee land soon thereafter, Congress had the necessary incentive to quickly pass the Indian Removal Act in 1830. The Cherokees resisted this act, taking their case all the way to the Supreme Court, where in two landmark decisions, Chief Justice John Marshall laid out the terms under which the independence of the Cherokee Nation would be constructed (Walker 1997: 115)…
In response to these legislative and administrative maneuvers, a group of wealthy, slaveholding Cherokees began to coalesce around the leadership of Major Ridge, a prominent Cherokee war hero. Convinced that the efforts of Chief John Ross and his political supporters (the National Party) to resist the president and the populace of Georgia would eventually prove futile, this relatively small group of Cherokees believed that their only hope for autonomy was to sign a treaty of removal. On December 29, 1835, Major Ridge and several hundred Cherokees later known as the Treaty Party, met at the Cherokee capital of New Echota, Georgia. They signed a treaty relinquishing their homeland for $5 million and agreed to move west of the Mississippi to lands already occupied by earlier Cherokee emigrants known as the Old Settlers. The Treaty Party left almost immediately, taking their slaves with them, and were thus spared the forced removal of 1838.
For the Cherokees who were left behind the pending crisis of removal exacerbated already existing class divisions that had come about from the development of plantation slavery. Slaveholding and nonslaveholding Cherokees were increasingly divided “not only in an economic sense but also in terms of values and world views” (Perdue 1979: 68). Culturally conservative Cherokees now associated slavery with the white southerners trying to force them from their homes and with those slaveholding Cherokees who had signed the fraudulent removal treaty at New Echota. While members of both the Treaty Party and the National Party held slaves, only the Treaty Party had adopted the values and lifestyle of white southern plantation owners enough to give up their traditional homeland (Perdue 1979: 68). Chief Ross and the National Party clung tenaciously to Cherokee values, waging battle after battle in the U.S. courts to protect the tribe’s communal landholdings and autonomy.14 In spite of Ross’s wealth and European ancestry, the majority of Cherokees supported him and believed that at his core he retained a “traditional” Cherokee worldview.15 But Ross was unable to unify the tribe—the lines of division had been drawn too deeply. Black slavery had created lasting boundaries of cultural and class difference between Cherokee tribal citizens.
Though Chief Ross collected the signatures of 15,665 Cherokees on a petition protesting the actions of the 500 Cherokees at New Echota, nothing could stop “the removal,” as this tragedy is euphemistically known to this day. At bayonet point, the Cherokees were forced from their homes and rounded up into stockades. In the winter of 1838, about 16,000 Cherokees began their deadly trek west on the “trail where they cried.” They lost at least a quarter of their population and in a wake of grief struggled to rebuild their lives in the unfamiliar country of Indian Territory. Removal was an act of greed undergirded by racism, “a rejection of all Indians as Indians, not simply a rejection of unassimilated Indians who would not accept the American life-style” (Horsman 1981: 192). This trauma of racial and national exclusion left a psychic wound and exacerbated the existing divisions among Cherokees that had evolved from the development of plantation slavery. Once in Indian Territory, growing social and political factionalism brought chaos and violence to the Cherokee Nation.
“I have signed my own death warrant,” said Major Ridge after signing the Treaty of New Echota (McLoughlin 1993: 15). Ridge was aware that the Cherokee Nation permitted capital punishment in only a handful of circumstances, one of which was for selling any portion of the national homeland without the permission of the tribe as a whole-an act of treason. When the rest of the tribe arrived in Indian Territory, clan representatives and other culturally conservative political leaders made the decision to execute several of the leaders of the Treaty Party. At the top of the list were Major Ridge, John Ridge, Elias Boudinot, and Stand Watie. All of these men were violently killed on the same day in the summer of 1839, most in front of their families, with the exception of Stand Watie, who either by a stroke of good fortune or because someone had warned him, was not home when the executioners arrived.
The killings caused widespread panic and ushered in one of the bloodiest eras in Cherokee history. Although the clan leaders had agreed that the executions would not invoke the Cherokee law of blood, the victims’ close kin and political allies still sought revenge (McLoughlin 1993:16)…
In the turbulent years immediately following the executions, the majority of Cherokees continued to support John Ross and to re-elect him as principal chief. Part of Ross’s popularity as a leader stemmed from the fact that he recognized the diversity of the Cherokee people and often sought political compromise. Holding the Cherokees national sovereignty in the highest regard, Ross helped re-establish their constitutional government in 1839 and held a national convention in the hopes that he could clear the air with regards to the murders (McLoughlin 1993: 18-19). But his efforts were of little use, and the violence and tension continued to mount.
… A few Cherokees owned large plantations that were cultivated by black slaves, but most were small-scale farmers and hunters. However, by 1846, a distinct group of approximately 300 families began to coalesce and came to constitute an elite social class of multiracial Cherokees (McLoughlin 1993: 77). The majority of these individuals, though far from all, were proslavery, English-speaking Christians who sometimes were known locally as “white Indians” (Wardell 1977: 122). In this particular context, the terms mixed-blood and white Indian became more socially salient among Cherokees. Of course, these categories of identity were social constructions that had only a loose correspondence with racial ancestry, since Cherokees with white ancestry could also be poor, non-Christian, or against black slavery. Nonetheless, during this period, the idiom of race began to shape the discourses of Cherokee social and political identity in distinct ways that help to explain its meanings among Cherokees today…
Cherokee slavery mirrored that of the white South in another revealing way, the efforts of black slaves to escape or rebel. With the social, political, and economic upheaval of removal all around them, Cherokee slaves saw their masters’ weakness in full relief and began to run away in increasing numbers, many trying to make it to the northern states or to Mexico. At least two small, armed slave rebellions occurred during this period, one in 1842 and another in 1846 (Perdue 1979: 8283). These uprisings instilled fear in wealthy and powerful Cherokees, who responded by enacting a series of harsh slave codes (see the accompanying list).19 With these new laws, Cherokee slavery could hardly be distinguished from the peculiar institution of white southerners.
In the mid-nineteenth century, the Cherokee Nation was a multiracial entity, not simply because it had different types of citizens, some with white and black ancestry, but because it had long condoned the practice of black slavery. Some scholars and many contemporary Cherokees argue that Cherokee masters were more lenient to their black slaves in Indian Territory than were white southerners to theirs. One reason for this interpretation is that Cherokees did not indulge in mob violence, as southern whites often did. The Cherokee Nation has no record of mass lynching, and one historian has suggested that Cherokee slaves did not fear for their personal safety as much as their bonded counterparts in Alabama or Mississippi (Littlefield 1978: 68). Such generalizations, however, are often in conflict with individual cases. The leniency of these relationships often depended on the individuals involved. More significantly, any conclusion about Cherokee leniency toward black slaves must be viewed in a larger social and historical context. The fact remains that “the Cherokees held a greater number of slaves than any other tribe in Indian Territory” (Littlefield 1978: 8).
However, another reason I picked up this book was for information on the Dawes rolls and why they function they way they do–how and why they limit and exclude. I got a little of what I was looking for:
The racialization of property rights that occurred under the Dawes Act had a serious impact on Native American communities that went beyond land loss. Ethnohistorian Sarah Hill points out that “a nearly obsessive preoccupation with the biological fiction called “race’ had infected Indian policy” since the beginning (1997:160). As “federal agents asked and recorded the quantum of ‘Cherokee blood’ of each person, [they set] up a division that has persisted for more than a century. A more divisive and destructive policy for Native Americans can hardly be imagined” (1997: 160). These actions on the part of the U.S. government constituted a more subtle exercise of power, a type that Michel Foucault calls “disciplinary.” (Foucault 1979: 308). As Pauline Strong and Barrik Van Winkle assert, bureaucratic activities that “disciplined” Native Americans according to white standards “were probably of even greater importance than military action in reigning in Indian sovereignty and replacing it with dependency” (1993: 15). As a result, many tribes, having lost much of their land base and their communal system of land tenure, went into economic, social, and political decline in the first several decades of the twentieth century.
The Cherokee Nation faced these same difficulties and others. Not only did the Dawes Act pave the way for Oklahoma statehood, but it did so at the expense of the Cherokee Nation. In 1907 when Oklahoma became a state, Congress formally dissolved the Cherokee Nation as a governing body. Euroamerican ideologies that had helped give birth to Cherokee nationalism now worked to destroy it. The Dawes Act also helped cement the various racial ideologies from earlier in the century. By the turn of the century, these racial ideologies had been reproduced not only in the Dawes Act itself, but in various forms of blood legislation in the state structures of both the Cherokee Nation and the federal government. As we shall see in the next chapter, these ideologies continued to interact and racialize Cherokee national identity in contradictory ways throughout the twentieth century. When the Cherokee Nation finally began to reemerge in the 1940s after three decades of quiescence, the stage had already been set for it to reproduce these contradictions, once again, in its own state structure.
… Cynical manipulation was not the only force at work in the adoption of blood quantum. Blood quantum was widely embraced by nineteenth-century scientific thought as a rational measure of racial identity and racial “purity.” Thus, the racial logic behind this move lies at a much deeper hegemonic level. In fact, blood quantum could just as easily have been introduced by naively well-meaning bureaucrats and liberal supporters who wanted to help “deserving Indians” but had no effective way of identifying them except through the crude contours of genealogy….
“Cherokees who intermarried with Europeans centuries ago. How could they have known that the commingling of their blood would result in such bureaucratization, such a Euroamerican standard of measuring Indianness? Would they be disturbed to find that being Cherokee was no longer a simple question of community and clan belonging? How would they feel if they had to apply for a permit to be Cherokee, to prove that they had Cherokee blood? How could they have known that their mixed-blood children, born of love, violence, or necessity, would find themselves caught in a tangled web of race, law, culture, and nation?
During the course of my fieldwork, I saw the subtle repercussions of an obvious fact-Cherokee citizenship is based on blood, on the ability of individuals to prove that they are Cherokee in some measure. In this chapter, I explore how this came to be, how blood became central to Cherokee identity in the twentieth century, not just as a racial, social, and cultural metaphor but as a documented biological possession. This historical process has involved two competing notions of race: first, a Euroamerican sense of ethnonationalism linking blood, race, and nation, which was borrowed early on by Cherokees in their efforts to forge their own national identity; and second, another Euroamerican notion based on nineteenth-century science that racial identity was tied to blood quantum, which signified the nature of one’s racial ancestry and degree of race mixture. Over time, the interactions between these two competing ideologies of race gave rise to an overarching racial formation that came to be expressed in the blood legislation of both the Cherokee Nation and the U.S. federal government. Each used this blood legislation at different points in time for different political purposes—but usually with the same underlying motivations: either to control access to economic resources or to maintain racial purity as the basis of a national identity.”
Given this history, it is not surprising that blood legislation continues to determine and shape the boundaries of the Cherokee Nation and that Cherokee national citizenship is based on proof of blood belonging. Just as with most other Indian nations, to register as a citizen of the Cherokee Nation an individual must first have a certificate degree of Indian blood (CDIB) issued by the U.S. Department of the Interior’s Bureau of Indian Affairs. This small white card, so critical to an individual’s legal and political recognition as a Cherokee tribal member, provides some “essential” information: the individual’s name and degree of Indian blood, in fractions according to tribe. For instance, a fairly typical CDIB in Oklahoma might describe someone with multitribal Indian and Euroamerican ancestry in the following manner: seven thirty-seconds Cherokee, two thirty-seconds Kiowa, and two thirty-seconds Choctaw. While the various tribal connections are stated with mathematical precision, the remaining non-Indian blood quantum is not provided.
Obtaining a CDIB is a complicated process that requires a journey down a bureaucratic paper trail. First, individuals must apply to the Cherokee Nation’s registration department, which processes applications for the BIA. Then they have to procure legal documents, usually in the form of state-certified vital statistics records, which establish them as lineal descendents of Cherokee ancestors. However, not just any Cherokee ancestors will do. They must be listed on the Cherokee Nation section of what is commonly referred to as the Dawes Rolls, the Final Rolls of Citizens and Freedmen of the Five Civilized Tribes. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the Dawes Rolls were authorized by the Indian Appropriations Act of 1893 that extended the General Allotment Act of 1887 to include the Five Tribes in Indian Territory. The rolls were compiled between 1899 and 1906 for the purpose of breaking up the communal landholdings of Indian nations.3 Today, their primary use is genealogical. If an individual can find a copy of the Dawes Rolls at a local library or federal repository, such as the National Archives, and his or her ancestor is listed with a roll number and a Cherokee blood degree, then he or she has the necessary information to apply for a CDIB. The Cherokee Nation will then calculate that person’s Cherokee blood…
Throughout the book, Sturm points out the complicated contradictions and injustices on understanding who is and who is not a citizen Cherokee, though never really talks about solutions–not that this book ever promised to do so and not that there are any. You leave the book feeling quite useless and hopeless for a solution, really.
What if they didn’t show up for work
What if they could find no one to hire in their places
What if they opened all the cages and let them run free before they went
What if they turned away those being dropped off
What if no one dropped off or surrendered animals
What if we saw the crowding in the streets
What if we were forced to see them homeless
What if they weren’t behind opaque walls
What if we stopped the killing behind closed doors
What if we stopped the system
Because blaming breeders clearly isn’t working
Everything happens for a reason
But I know some things happen for no reason
No reason at all
Cheeky, anti-social Sophie Green discovers boys, sex and a monster in her high school.
As both her childhood nemesis, Shawn Henderson, and the mysterious new kid, Landon Pearce, vie for her romantic attention, Sophie believes she’s got everything under control.
Until, that is, Landon’s terrifying hoard of secrets explodes in her face.
Sophie learns that there’re creatures in this world she hates even more than other people. Landon’s here for a reason, somehow Shawn’s involved and there were careful plans set in motion with Sophie at their center.
Now, to be the boss of her own fate, Sophie must learn to tell apart the mess in her heart form the madness of a world where monsters are real.
I want to read for more atypical contractions and am going to start using “there’re” now.
We have no word
For what I am
Blood without a breed
The north has métis (and Métis)
The south, mestizo
But the States are not so United
In what we call those mixed halves —
We without the standard status
Yet cut of indigenous cloth
The settler government turns a blind eye
Just like the civilized tribes
They poll the people in consented census
New rolls to quantify race
I wait to check the ethnicity box
“Native” too weighted a word
But my family’s history is heavy too
My however-great grandmother cried and bled
Wetting the trial that killed her
The tribe accepted her death but not what sprouted from her
Roots traced back to her in dragging footsteps
Feet hardly lifting up just like my finger on a map
But they did go
Their first prints washed away by whiter boots
How strange is this evolved citizenship
If I move to Europe I don’t give it up automatically
Yet that was what happened
When descendants did not go to the waving wheat
While today Cherokee walk freely
No borders but rolls
Their hypocritical location, location, allocation
Just like these racial choices
Don’t get me wrong
I don’t want the tribe that doesn’t want me
But I want a word
A Western word for a Western list
That describes how I got here
Honors the woman who died
The hard choices ancestors made
That I’m still here
Despite how they tried to bury her and her tracks
Were they not just as colonized?
Where are reparations if I cannot even
Reclaim what was taken
But we don’t use words like mestizo
Things I have been thinking a lot about lately. Including race-shifting and the U.S. 2020 census coming up. Still forming my thoughts but this is where I’m at right now.